Nigeria’s democracy has been threatened by coups, foreign intrusions, and even the global contagion of democratic subversion seen in events like the Donald Trump inspired assault on democratic norms. Yet none of these has proven as quietly effective, as corrosive, or as dangerous as the political disloyalty of politicians to the very course of democracy they claim to defend.
Just recently, another Governor, the Plateau State Governor, Caleb Mutfwang defected to the APC. A move that swells the ruling All Progressives Congress’s capture of states to twenty-eight states; an expansion that goes beyond ordinary political manoeuvring. Without doubt, this signals a deeper democratic crisis where power is no longer contested on the strength of ideas, performance, or ideology, but consolidated through political migration driven by fear, ambition, and convenience.
Obviously, political defections are not alien to Nigeria’s history. They have existed since the early days of the republic. But unfortunately, defection is no longer an act of principle or protest. It is now a survival strategy. Politicians defect not because they disagree with policy direction but because they sense where power is concentrating. Loyalty to voters becomes secondary. Loyalty to power becomes supreme.
In an environment like this, the voter is the greatest casualty. Citizens cast ballots believing they are choosing a platform, a manifesto, and a set of values. But unfortunately, halfway into the administration, those choices are casually discarded. The mandate is recycled without consultation. Democracy becomes elastic, stretched to accommodate elite comfort while popular consent is ignored. Over time, this practice eats into public trust and turns elections into any other symbolic social exercises.
The swelling dominance of one party also exposes the alarming fragility of Nigeria’s opposition. A functioning democracy requires a credible opposition that scrutinises, challenges, and offers alternatives. When defections accelerate, opposition ceases to be an institution and becomes a waiting room for the next defection.
The danger of this imbalance cannot be overstated. One party dominance does not strengthen democracy. It weakens it. Without competitive pressure, the ruling party loses incentive to reform, to listen, or to correct itself. Oversight in legislatures softens. Internal party loyalty replaces accountability to the public. Government begins to speak to itself, insulated from consequence.
There is, besides that, a deep institutional risk. With one party in control of most states, the legislature, and the federal executive, the line between party and state starts to dangerously blur. Public institutions are liable to be regarded as partisan extensions rather than disinterested umpires. Security agencies, regulatory bodies, even judicial processes come in for subtle but relentless pressure. Dissent is not outlawed outright. It is delegitimised, branded as obstruction or disloyalty.
With the 2027 elections looming, these are trends that require urgent reflection. Democracy lives on choice. Before the citizens, there must be genuine options, not the same old faces behind new logos. Elections need to be competitive in substance. When political competition collapses, authoritarian tendencies do not arrive with sirens. They steal in softly, normalised by convenience and justified by stability.
The response must go beyond public outrage. Political parties must rebuild around ideas, discipline, and internal democracy rather than personal ambition. Laws governing defections must be enforced with seriousness to protect the sanctity of the voter’s mandate. The judiciary must resist legal acrobatics that reward political opportunism. Civil society and the media must refuse to normalise disloyalty dressed as strategy.
Nigeria did not fight for democracy only to reduce it to a one party comfort zone. Democracy is not preserved by the size of a ruling party but by the strength of its competition. Power remains accountable only when it can be challenged. The choice before Nigeria is stark. A republic of genuine options or a slow quiet slide into dominance by default. History will not judge kindly a democracy that surrendered itself without a fight.
